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Australia, Turkey Criticised for Hosting UN Climate Talks Amid Coal Expansion Plans

Australia and Turkey Face Global Backlash as COP31 Hosts Over Coal Expansion Amid Climate Silence

Source: Guardian Environment · October 4, 2026 at 7:31 PM · AI-assisted report

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Australia, Turkey Criticised for Hosting UN Climate Talks Amid Coal Expansion Plans
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BANGKOK, 5 OCTOBER 2026 —

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Australia and Turkey Face Global Backlash as COP31 Hosts Over Coal Expansion Amid Climate Silence

Global climate activists have launched a scathing critique of Australia and Turkey—co-hosts of the upcoming UN climate summit COP31—as the two nations continue to expand coal and fossil fuel production while failing to commit to a phase-out plan, despite their leadership role in the negotiations.

With the summit set to begin in Antalya, Turkey, in November, environmental groups warn that the hosts’ inaction undermines the credibility of the talks, which are expected to address the urgent need for a global transition away from fossil fuels.

The criticism comes as preparations for COP31 intensify, with a high-level pre-summit meeting scheduled this week in Fiji and Tuvalu, where Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is expected to join leaders from over 50 countries. The gathering, initially framed as a show of solidarity with Pacific nations facing existential climate threats, has seen limited attendance, with several key leaders—including Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul—pulling out due to domestic crises, such as severe flooding in Bangkok.

Yet even as the world’s attention turns to climate diplomacy, Australia’s own fossil fuel ambitions are expanding. Just days before the pre-summit meeting, a New South Wales regulator approved the largest coal mine extension in the state’s history: a 19-year life extension for the Hunter Valley Operations thermal coal mine, jointly owned by Yancoal and Glencore.

If federal approval is granted, the project could emit up to 809 million tonnes of carbon dioxide over its lifespan, according to estimates from the mine’s operators.

The timing of the approval has reignited accusations that Australia is sending mixed signals ahead of COP31. A report by the global campaign group 350.org, released this week, highlights the stark contrast between the country’s diplomatic rhetoric and its fossil fuel policies.

Using UN Comtrade data, the report reveals that since the 2015 Paris Agreement, Australia’s exports of coking and thermal coal to Turkey alone have contributed to more than 75 million tonnes of CO₂ emissions. The two nations are now also deepening their trade in liquefied natural gas (LNG), further entrenching their reliance on fossil fuels despite their role in shaping global climate policy.

The silence from the COP31 presidency on fossil fuels has not gone unnoticed. Three official letters outlining the summit’s mission—two from Turkey and one joint document with Australia—do not mention fossil fuels at all. Australian Climate Change Minister Chris Bowen, who holds the newly created position of "president of negotiations" for COP31, also omitted any reference to fossil fuels in his keynote speech at Climate Week in New York two weeks ago.

This omission stands in stark contrast to his public statements at last year’s COP28 in Dubai, where he declared that "the age of fossil fuels will end."

Andreas Sieber, head of political strategy at 350.org, condemned the hosts’ approach, calling it "extraordinary" that the COP31 presidency continues to ignore the "central issue of fossil fuels" amid the worst energy crisis in history. He urged Turkey and Australia to follow Brazil’s lead from COP30, where the host nation pushed for discussions on a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap. "Both countries should announce coal phase-out dates as a first step," Sieber said.

"Rather than leading the transition away, both countries are still expanding fossil fuels at extreme rates."

Australia’s dual role as a major fossil fuel exporter—with coal and LNG shipments expected to generate over A$140 billion this year—and a self-proclaimed advocate for renewable energy has drawn particular scrutiny. Bowen defended the country’s position in an interview with The Guardian, arguing that Australia’s economic and strategic interests align with climate action. "Our trading partners are pursuing their own energy transitions," he said.

"We want to help them do that, so we remain a reliable trading nation." Treasury analysis, he added, suggests Australia could influence global emissions by positioning itself as a renewable energy exporter, though no concrete timeline or policy commitments were provided.

Turkey’s fossil fuel ambitions are equally contentious. As Europe’s largest coal-power generator, the country has signaled plans to expand its coal and gas capacity by 30% by 2035, according to 350.org. The nation’s reliance on coal has been a point of contention in regional climate diplomacy, particularly as it seeks to position itself as a fossil gas hub in Europe and Asia.

Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey has approved multiple coal and gas projects, despite its hosting responsibilities for COP31.

The shared hosting arrangement between Turkey and Australia—finalized after a prolonged negotiation—reflects their complementary but conflicting roles. While Turkey holds ultimate responsibility for the summit’s logistics, including a major green trade fair, Bowen’s appointment as "president of negotiations" places him at the helm of the formal talks between nearly 200 nations. Yet the absence of fossil fuel discussions in their joint communications has left activists and Pacific leaders deeply frustrated.

Vanuatu’s Climate Change Minister, Ralph Regenvanu, warned that Australia’s approval of the Hunter Valley coal mine extension "sends the wrong signal at a critical time." "This decision is deeply disappointing for Pacific countries," he said, emphasizing that the move contradicts Australia’s stated commitment to supporting vulnerable nations in the region.

Bill Hare, CEO of the Climate Analytics policy institute, questioned whether Turkey and Australia could overcome their "addiction to fossil fuels" in time for COP31. He noted that since taking office in 2022, the Australian Labor government has approved 37 fossil fuel developments for export, while Turkey’s government has shown "a fixation on digging up and burning coal" and expanding its gas infrastructure.

"It will be interesting to see if they can set aside these priorities," Hare said.

The stakes for COP31 could not be higher. The summit is set against a backdrop of escalating climate crises, including the looming threat of a "super El Niño" weather pattern, which scientists warn could exacerbate extreme weather events worldwide. The UN Environment Programme has already cautioned that the world is on track to breach the 1.5°C warming limit set by the Paris Agreement, with devastating consequences for ecosystems, coastal communities, and global food security.

The agency has called for immediate and sustained cuts in emissions, yet the absence of a clear fossil fuel phase-out plan from the hosts risks derailing progress.

As the pre-summit meeting in Fiji and Tuvalu convenes, the focus remains on whether Australia and Turkey will use their platform to push for meaningful action—or whether their continued reliance on coal and gas will leave COP31 as another summit marked by rhetoric over reality.

With Pacific leaders watching closely and global emissions continuing to rise, the coming weeks will determine whether the hosts can bridge the gap between their diplomatic ambitions and their fossil fuel policies.

Malaysia Impact

3/10

Malaysia’s coal and LNG exports to Turkey (a key market) could face long-term reputational and policy risks if COP31 fails to address fossil fuel phase-outs, potentially affecting trade dynamics in the energy sector. Australia’s coal expansion may indirectly pressure global coal demand, impacting Malaysian thermal coal exports.

energycommoditiestradepolicy

Reporting based on Guardian Environment. Figures and claims are subject to revision as the story develops. DomainFork publishes editorial context, not investment advice — see our editorial standards.

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