Gaokao reforms could leave Chinese public vulnerable to pseudo-history, top academic warns

BEIJING, 23 AUGUST 2026 —

Gaokao reforms risk eroding history education in China, top academic warns

The concern comes as Beijing intensifies efforts to counter “historical nihilism” — the official term for narratives that challenge the state’s approved version of history — as well as pseudo-historical claims, such as assertions that Ancient Greece never existed. In a commentary published in the state-backed China Teacher Paper, Liu Linhai, dean of the School of History at Beijing Normal University, stressed the importance of history education in preserving national identity.

“History education in secondary schools is an important means of preserving historical, cultural, ethnic and national identity,” Liu wrote. “Its current weakening and even marginalisation should be a matter of urgent concern for policymakers, who should take coordinated and effective measures to address the structural problems affecting the subject.”

Authorities in China have grown increasingly alert to challenges to the official historical narrative. On Aug 21, a newspaper affiliated with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences ran two front-page articles framing pseudo-history as a “new variant” of historical nihilism. In a strongly worded editorial, Chinese Social Sciences Today warned that such narratives could sow societal confusion, threaten ideological security, and undermine cultural confidence and national identity.

The second article, by two staff reporters, examined how claims that the Tang dynasty (618–907) never existed went viral, highlighting how influencers and algorithm-driven social media can amplify fringe theories. The piece also referenced the so-called “1644 historical perspective,” a sensitive narrative suggesting China was prosperous under the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) before declining following the Manchu conquest that established Qing rule.

By framing history as a break tied to a specific ethnic group, such views challenge Beijing’s assertion of 5,000 years of continuous Chinese civilisation.

Liu noted that the internet, social media, and artificial intelligence have transformed how historical knowledge is produced and consumed, accelerating the spread of inaccurate narratives. “A sound history education in secondary schools is extremely important,” he said. “It is the foundation for ensuring that students acquire sound knowledge and correct values, and any measures that weaken or marginalise the subject could have serious consequences.”

Yet despite the growing need for history education, the subject has come under increasing pressure due to reforms to China’s competitive college entrance examination, or gaokao. Since 2014, reforms have aimed to give students greater flexibility by moving away from the traditional divide between science and humanities. Under the new system, only Chinese, mathematics, and English remain compulsory, while students can choose additional subjects from both streams that contribute to their final score.

While students are “theoretically free” to choose subjects based on interest, Liu said their choices are often constrained by the requirements of the zhongkao (high school entrance exam) and university admission criteria. “The college entrance exam is a competitive selection examination, and students’ eventual choices tend to be rational and pragmatic,” he wrote.

The result has been a sharp decline in the number of students selecting history. In most provinces, the proportion of students choosing history has dropped each year, leading to reduced classroom hours for history teachers. Some middle-school history teachers, facing declining student numbers and lighter workloads, have either switched to teaching other subjects or left the profession entirely.

Policy reforms have also reduced the weight of history in the zhongkao, with some provinces excluding it altogether. This has made students less likely to prioritise the subject. “Without a solid foundation in history during junior high school, the subject may struggle to attract students in high school,” Liu noted.

In some provinces, students must choose between history and physics, further squeezing history’s place in the curriculum. According to Southern Weekly, nearly half of these provinces saw a roughly 7:3 split in favour of physics, with the ratio reaching 8:2 in some areas. Even students interested in history may opt for physics if they believe it will improve their exam scores.

Liu stressed that a strong foundation in history is now more critical than ever, given the proliferation of “erroneous” historical views online. He argued that policymakers must address the structural pressures facing history education if the subject is to fulfil its role in “strengthening national and ethnic identity and safeguarding national security.”

He also highlighted the unique role of secondary school history, noting that most students receive no formal history education after graduation. Their understanding of the past is largely shaped during their school years.

Chinese Social Sciences Today echoed this view, stating that strengthening historical education and improving public historical literacy is a long-term solution to countering pseudo-history.

Regional implications and Malaysia’s context The decline of history education in China comes at a time when historical narratives are increasingly weaponised across Asia, with governments seeking to shape collective memory for political ends. Malaysia, which shares a complex historical relationship with China, has also grappled with debates over historical education, particularly regarding pre-colonial and colonial-era narratives.

While Malaysia’s education system does not face the same competitive pressures as China’s gaokao, concerns have been raised about the depth and accuracy of historical instruction in schools. The Malaysian curriculum includes history as a compulsory subject until upper secondary level, but educators have noted challenges in engaging students and countering misinformation online.

Malaysian historians and educators have previously highlighted the need to strengthen critical thinking in history lessons to help students navigate competing historical claims, including those propagated on social media. The Malaysian Historical Association has called for greater emphasis on primary source analysis and contextual understanding to combat oversimplified or politicised historical narratives.

In neighbouring Indonesia, where history education has also faced scrutiny, the government has recently revised school curricula to place greater emphasis on national unity and Pancasila ideology, reflecting similar concerns about historical distortion and ideological security.

Stakeholder perspectives Liu’s commentary reflects growing unease among Chinese academics over the unintended consequences of education reforms. His call for coordinated policy measures to protect history education aligns with broader efforts by Beijing to reinforce ideological control and national cohesion.

The warning from Chinese Social Sciences Today underscores the government’s sensitivity to historical narratives that challenge its legitimacy. The editorial’s framing of pseudo-history as a threat to “ideological security” suggests that Beijing views historical literacy not just as an educational issue, but as a matter of national stability.

Meanwhile, students and parents in China continue to prioritise subjects perceived as more strategically valuable for university admissions and career prospects. The dominance of STEM-related subjects in student choices reflects a global trend, but in China, it is exacerbated by the high-stakes nature of the gaokao.

Looking ahead As China’s education system continues to evolve, the future of history education remains uncertain. Liu’s recommendations — including restoring history’s weight in entrance exams, increasing classroom hours, and improving teacher retention — would require significant policy adjustments.

For Malaysia and other regional education systems, the situation in China serves as a cautionary example. While each country’s historical and educational context differs, the challenge of balancing academic rigour, student choice, and national identity in history education is universal.

One thing is clear: in an era of rapid digital transformation and geopolitical flux, the stakes for historical literacy have never been higher.

Related: Beijing